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NOTES




[n1] La Montagne, having been registered as a medical student at the University of Leiden in 1619, 1623, 1626, 1633 and 1636, his nativity as taken from the records were given as "Xanto", "Xantho", "Xanto-Gallus", and "Santo-Gallus".  This information was provided in the work, Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae MDLXXV-MDCCCLXXV: accedunt nomina curatorum et professorum per eadem secula, which is a collection of abstracts taken from the registers of Leiden University and compiled by Dr. W. N. du Rieu.   Dr du Rieu was not only the Librarian of Leiden University, having direct access to the university archives, but was also a Walloon historian, and as such may have been the person most capable of assessing the meaning of the term "Xanto", etc., used to distinguish La Montagne's place of nativity.  Charles W Baird, perhaps the preeminent historian of the Huguenot's in America, wrote that La Montagne was born at Saintes in the Provence of Saintonge .  Baird had been in direct contact with Dr. Rieu.  However, Riker, the preeminent historian on Harlem (New York), who published his Revised History... a few years after du Rieu and Baird published their works, referring to La Montagne wrote that a "Xanto" or a "Santo" was descriptive of a person from Saintonge , not going so far as to say that La Montagne was from Saintes, a city within that Province. Riker gives credit to W. J. C. Rammelman Elsevier, who was an archivist at Leiden and likely also had direct access to those university archives and he too gave that La Montagne was from Saintes in the Provence of Saintonge. DU RIEU, 144, 165, 193, 253, 275 BAIRD, 174 ELSEVIER 440 RIKER, 80  [ For this researcher's (JARM) opinion on the origins of Jean Mousnier de La Montagne SEE, n107. ***ALSO NOTE, there is no doubt more information contain in the old registration records of Leiden Univerity as Riker gives additional information, such as who La Montagne the student was living with... I would love to see what additional information can be gleaned!!! For additional information that Riker likely obtained from the registration records of Leiden University SEE, n2.]

The following, taken from the registry of Leiden University, is found in the compilation titled Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae MDLXXV-MDCCCLXXV: accedunt nomina curatorum et professorum per eadem secula. There were at least five entries for Johannes La Montagne to which there may be additional information found in the originals:

19 November, 1619, "Johannes Monerius Montanus Xanto." 24, M(edicine)."DU RIEU p144 ELSEVIER 440fn

7 January, 1623, "Johannes Mausnerius Montanus Xantho. 27, M(edicine)."DU RIEU p165

8 July, 1626, "Joannes Monerius Xanto-Gallus. 30, M(edicine)."DU RIEU p193 ELSEVIER 440fn

21 May, 1633, "Johannes Monerius Montanus, Xanto-Gallus. 35 [Note–perhaps transcripion error as 38 would fit better], M(edicine).DU RIEU p253

3 March, 1636, "Joannes Monerius Santo-Gallus. 38, M(edicine)."DU RIEU p275

The following taken from a geographical dictionary published in 1688:BOHUN

Saintes or SainEtes, Mediolanum Santonum, Santona, Santones, a city in Aquitain, which is the Capital of the Province of Saintonge, and a Bishops See, under the Archbishop of Bourdeaux. It stands upon the River Charente, twenty Leagues from Bourdeaux to the North, eleven from Rochelle to the South-East and seven from Brouges to the East, which last is also its distance from the Ocean; it is great but not equally Rich and Populous. This City was in the times of the Romans, built upon an Hill, where there appears the Ruins of a Roman Theatre, and many other Antiquities; this first Pile being Ruin'd by the Goths, Franks, and other Barbarous Nations, the present Pile was built nearer the River, and in a lower ground. In the times of the Civil Wars of France, in the last Age, this City had also a great share, the Hugunots for a long time being Masters of it." BOHUN, 648 [Note, this researcher believes that the entries in the university register for la montagne gave Province and Country of birth, or "Xanto-Gallus".]

Saintonge, Santonia, a great and fruitful Province of France, is bounded on the North by PoiEtou, on the East by Augoumois, on the South by the Garonne, which separates it from Guienne, and on the West by the Bay of Aquitain. This was the Seat of the Santones, an Ancient Nation of the Galls: Its Capital is Saintes the other Cities of Note, are Brouges, St. Jean de Angely and Taillebourg. BOHUN, 649

Xaintes, the same with Saintes, a City of France. BOHUN, 788

Xantoigne, the same with Saintonge, a Province of France. BOHUN, 788


[NOTE: The Saintongeais dialect, closely related to the language spoken by those from the Walloon region of Belgium, was spoken in the former French provinces of Saintonge, Aunis and Angoumois.]

[NOTE: According to Chidaine [A patois of Saintonge : descriptive analysis of an idolect and assessment of present state of Saintongeais (1970)], "The division of the original Saintonge into three rather undifferentiated provinces resulted from a variety of factors... As, a result, the term Saintonge carries two connotations, one which refers in a large sense to the whole geographical area just described, and the other restricted to the territory covered by the former province, and sometimes called lower Saintonge."]

[NOTE: Up until 1789 Saintonge was in the same gouvernement with Angoumois, but from a judiciary point of view Saintonge was under the parlement of Bordeaux and Angoumois under that of Paris.–SEE D. Massiou, Histoire politique, civile et religieuse de la Saintonge et de l'Aunis: depuis les premiers temps historiques jusqu'à nos jours., (6 vols., 1836-1839; 2nd ed., 1846). ALSO SEE, P. D. Rainguet, Biographie Saintongeaise, ou, Dictionnaire historique de tous les personnages qui se sont illustrés par leurs écrits ou leurs actions dans les anciennes provinces de Saintonge et d'Aunis, formant aujord'hui le Département de la Charente-Inférieure, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours, Pierre–Damien Rainguet (1852). ALSO SEE, Archives historiques de la Saintonge et de l'Aunis.


[n2] Riker gave the following information on the Leiden days of La Montagne:

RIKER, 85


[n3] As the old wooden church much resembled a barn, Governor Kieft decided that there should be erected a new one of stone built inside the fort. However, raising the money was proving to be difficult. Fortunately, at that time the step–daughter of the minister Edvardus Bogardus was being married and at the wedding, after four or five rounds of drinking, the governor went about getting subscriptions as to what each guest was willing to donate for the erection of the new church, and the guests each tried to outdo one another in their donations. The next day some of the subscribers were sorry they had agreed to give so much, but the Governor wouldn't accept any excuses and insisted on the money... The money was collected, and the church was built. JAMESON, 326    Perhaps it was for this reason that Tymen Jansen gave a note to the deacons for 100 guilders on May 30, 1639; Johannes la Montagne gave a note for 50 carolus guilders and Hendrick Jansen for 100 on May 31, 1639, for the deacons. O'CALLAGHAN (1865), 8    The marriage records for the church don't begin until December of 1639 and there doesn't appear to be any marriage record for the daughter of Bogardus within those records... so perhaps these were payments which were pledged at that wedding party. [Other sources have that the wedding took place in 1642. Perhaps the notes given by those three persons were for the orphan court having to do with the marriage of Rev. Bogardus and Anneka Jans?]


[n4] Although the journal of the Guiana expedition had been in the past attributed to Jesse de Forest, there is no doubt that the journal is in the hand of La Montagne. Some suggest that the surviving journal may have been a copy of the original which was kept by de Forest. However, there is no evidence of this, and to the contrary, it seems to this researcher that La Montagne, likely the most educated and erudite member of the expedition, would have been best suited to keep journal, whereas Jesse de Forest, a man of action, would not have been as well suited to the task. The Journal also contains maps in both ink and watercolor that have been attributed to La Montagne. De Forest v2; 189


[n5] As Jesse de Forest and Marie de Cloux were married in 1601 and whereas there is not much room for Rachel being born between any of the known de Forest children that were baptized between 1602 and 1608 it would seem that the following is a logical deduction: "There is no baptismal record for Rachel de Forest, but her parents were living at Moncornet in Thierache, in the French province of Picardy, between 1607 and 1615 (in 1615 Jesse de Forest is in the register of the Walloon church at Leiden). They returned to Sedan to baptize Elizabeth in 1607 and David in 1608, but there is a break in the records of the Huguenot Church of Sedan between 1609 and 1617. For that reason, it is assumed that Rachel was also born at Moncornet and baptized at Sedan, probably in 1609, but the record has since been lost." 7


[n6] "La Montagne said that he had protested against it, and was concerned in it at first against his will and to his great regret, and that afterwards, when according to his judgment it was best to do so, he had pretended to assist. The secretary, Cornelis van Tienhoven, also said that he had no hand in the matter, and nothing had been done by him in regard to it except by the express orders of the director. But this was not believed, for there are those who have heard La Montagne say that if the secretary had not brought a false report the affair would never had happened. There are other also who know this, and everyone believes it to be so; and indeed it has plausibility. Fiscal van der Hoykens was not trusted, on account of his drinking, wherein all his science consists. He had also no experience here, and in the beginning frequently denounced the war as being against his will. So that the blame rests, and must rest, only upon the director and Secretary Tienhoven." [Note: van Tienhoven had been sent to Pavonia (Hoboken) to reconnoiter the position of the Indians.] van der Donck 1650, p69


[n7] It was likely sometime during 1639 to 1640 that Johannes La Montagne was commissioned to conduct a survey of Rennselaerswyck and the result of this survey may have been the map of Rensselaerswyck now attributed to Gillis van Scheyndel; it seems from the letter of Toussain Mussart might have been the coodinator of the Resselaerswyck survey, or in at least was the go between between van Rensselaer and La Montagne. VAN LAER 1908, p536 It's thought by some that La Montagne may have been the draftsman of the original "Manatvs Map" Stokes, V2, p118. La Montagne had also taken a part in compiling the first survey of New Amsterdam. It's also possible that La Montagne was the draftsman of "The Duke's Plan" which is similar in appearance to the maps included in the Guiana Journal. Stokes, V1, p207


[n9] The first baptism recorded in the Dutch Reformed Church of New Amsterdam was done so with the date of 25 September, 1639.


[n2] Upon Henry de Forest having arrived at New Netherlands he "at once obtained from Director Van Twiller the grant of Muscoota, then roughly estimated at one hundred morgen, or two hundred acres." 2   The lands included part of the present Mt. Morris Park. 15   The enclosure, which was entered by a well-secured gate or gates, was ample for the out-buildings, including a house for curing tobacco. 2  

The Bowery, or farm, of John La Montagne is described as having been "east of Eighth Avenue and extending from 93rd Street north to the Harlem River, containing about two hundred acres.  16  

According to another source, also referring to the bowery owned by Henry de Forest and La Montagne, "This tract, originally in the possession of Henry de Forest (d. 1637), came by the marriage of his widow with Andries Hudde into the possession of the latter. Its Indian name Muscota means a flat and it was later known as Montagnie;s Flat, now as that part of N. Y. City lying between 109th and 124th St., Harlem Creek on the East and the Heights on the West."  Fernow (1883) p.11n

The house of Henry de Forest, finished by la Montagne, was the first house 12 built at Harlem (however, Riker has that Montagne stayed at the Van Curler house until his house was completed and being that Van Curler's farm was next to that of Montagne, how could Montagne's have been the first?) and described by Riker as follows, 'A farmhouse was being built, in the Dutch rural style, having an ample ground floor "forty-two feet long by eighteen feet wide, with two doors." The roof was thatched, and, as a protection against the Indians, the house was surrounded by a high, close fence od heavy round palisades or pickets. 2 The palisades that that encircled the house was round. 6 When La Montagne purchased the de Forest bowery, the farm included, two milch cows; 1 two year old heifer; 1 one year old bull; half a bullcalf born that year; 2 old goats; half of a small male kid born that year; half a kid born that year; 6 hens and 2 cocks with about 20 chickens; 4 guns good and band; 1 kettle; 1 churn; 4 axes; 6 hoes; 3 siths (sickles); 2 scythes; 2 iron forks; 1/4 of 600 tabaco plants and 1 tobacco house n48; the half of the grain of one morgen of land; one boat.

Pertaining to the Van Bramer house..."Some claim it to be the very house that De Forest and Montagne built on this Flat in 1637, which had two doors and was 18 feet wide. But that was 42 feet long and measured by Dutch feet. Plainly no such antiquity can be assigned it, as the deed for that land given by Arent and Lourens Kortright to Benjamin Benson, February 9, 1755, mentions no tenement." 2 The following contains a description of the Van Bramer house: "The only ancient dwelling left on Harlem lane is the old Van Bramer house, on the east side of the lane midway between 117th and 118th streets, its gable end to the road, and fronting to the south. It was built not long before the Revolution, probably by Hendrick Van Bramer, who lived there in 1774. Fifteen years ago we noted: The front and the west end were laid up of hammered red or free stone. Query, why were not all sides of stone? The oldest portion measured 18 by 31 feet; for the frame addition of 15 feet 6 inches on the cast end was modern. Its exterior was tasty. The eaves were low, the roof had a modem pitch; while the short beveled chimney tops, and the cuaint dormer windows, with fiat roofs sloping downward toward the front, had a decidedly antique air. The weather-beaten clapboards (on the rear and on the gable above the eaves the same), were very thick, rabbeted deep, finished with a half-inch bead, and put on with large wrought nails. The window sills, etc., were of black walnut, the sash stiles very heavy and the glass all 7 by 9. The two front doors were in halves after the old fashion, and hung on strap hinges. The ceilings low, not plastered, showed the bare, heavy oaken timbers, planed and beaded; and the stair to the loft was a perpendicular ladder!" 2

The following was taken from The iconography of Manhattan Island 1498-1909:
"Johannes La Montagne receives a ground-brief (Liber GG: 216, Albany) for a piece of land situate on "the island of Manhattans," known by the Indian name "Muscoota," which in the Nether Dutch language signifies the Flat Land, and containing 100 morgens in the flat lying between the hills and kill; and a point named Rechawanes, stretching between two kills to the East River (which land was occupied by Hendrick dc Forest, deceased, and has been purchased by La Montagne tor 1,700 guilders). On the modern city plan, the land known as Montanye's Flat stretched from about 99th to 110th St., and was included between Fifth Ave,, Hellgate, and the Harlem River." Stokes, v4, p110

The following court case, which involve the original patent of Johannes La Montagne and the right to the title of that land by La Montagne descendants, came from the source, Reports of cases argued and determined in the Court of Appeals of the State of New York with notes, references, and an index, Volume VI: Sylvester Cahill et al., Appellants, v. Courtlandt Palmer et al., Respondents. Argued April 24th; decided May 23d, 1871.


The following, taken from The iconography of Manhattan Island 1498-1909, refers to the La Montagne Plantation and how it is depicted on the Manatvs Maps.

(C.) 18: Bon. van Loein ontangle
(H.) 19: bouwerij van Loen ontangele
         These two names are corruptions of La Montagne. The designation on the maps is Montague's Point. It is described in an Indian deed of August 20, 1669, as "the Point named Rechawanis, bounded between two creeks, and hills, and behind, a stream which runs to Montague's Flat; with the meadows from the bend of the Hellegat to Konaande Kongh."—MS. Harlem Records, II: 80; Riker's Hist. of Harlem, 287-8.
         The fact that De Forest's house stood on the Point, Rechawanis, and not on the flat lands, Muscoota, verifies this recital. Hitherto, it has been assumed that De Forest's holdings covered only the one hundred morgen afterward patented to Hudde. Riker says (p. 209) that La Montagne was the original grantee of the Point. This early map shows authoritatively that the pioneer settler of Harlem, Hendrick de Forest, was in possession of both the Point and the Flat.
         La Montagne, August 20, 19 (old style), obtained from the Indians a release confirming him in the possession of the point named Rechawanis.—Riker's Hist, of Harlem, 287-8. The house of De Forest, later Montague's, stood on the high ground near McGowan's Pass, now in Central Park, which site was fortified during the War of 1812. Its approximate location was west of Fifth Avenue at 107th Street. The fonteyn still feeds the Park lake. Stokes, V2, p193


[n11] Arendt Corssen of the Dutch West India Company is given credit for discovering and the naming of the Schuylkill River.


[n12] The name "Vredendal" means "quiet dale" or "peaceful vale" and might have been first applied to this plantation by John La Montagne. 2  16 The words "dale" and "vale" meaning is "valley". The only valley in the imediate area to my knowledge would be McGowen Pass, which is the location below where I believe the La Montagne farm homestead stood. It is one of the longest fortified artillery positions on Manhattan Island, now memorialize with a cannon and flag.


[n13] "The Queen of Bohemia, a noble Christian woman, was long an exile in Holland, the object of profound respect and sympathy among all Protestants; hence upon Montagne's signboard." 2   16


[n14] Anthony Jansen van Salee was the son of the noted pirate Jan Janszoon.


[n15] For more on this convention, which resulted in a petition for greater freedoms written for the most part by the Enlish of Long Island, see Documents relative to the colonial history of the State of New York, Volume 1.


[n16] Two sources provide the age, and hence the approximate birth year, of Dr. Johannes La Montagne. The first is from the register of the University of Leiden which has 5 entires for Johannes; he was given as:
                     age 24 in November of 1619, placing his birth between November, 1594 and November, 1595
                     age 27 when registered 7 January, 1623, placing his birth between January, 1595 and January, 1596
                     age 30 on 7 July 1626, placing his birth between July, 1595 and July, 1596
                     age 35 on May 21, 1633 placing his brth between May, 1597 and May, 1598
                     age 38 on March 3, 1636, placing his birth between March, 1597 and March, 1598.

         The second source is a letter from La Montagne himself to Director-General Peter Stuyvesant and the Council at New Netherland, dated August 18, 1662 wherein Johannes wrote "...but the excessive dearth of all things has driven me insensibly into such need and poverty, as that never in the 68 years that I have lived, so great distress have felt, finding myself destitute of all means to provide for my daily bread, and provisions for the winter..." This would seem to place his birth between August, 1593 and August, 1594. 2  3  18


[n17] Montagne's debt, probably brought on by losses suffered during the Indian Wars, seems to have lasted some while and likely remained even after John's death. In a letter from August, 1662 to Stuyvesant, Montayne complains that he had not the means of providing bread for his family and that he was reduced to "penury and want." According to Riker as vice-director his salary was six hundred florins per years with an extra two hundred for living expenses, with the latter being increased to three hundred florins in 1659. 2


[n18] "Montague's Spring.— Perennially flowing, as in the virgin days of the settlement, this spring is still to be found in Central Park. Its source is on a hillside, at a point (where the ways mentioned extended into the Park) on the line of 105th Street, some 200 feet west of Sixth Avenue. But this natural basin is now covered over, the water being led by a subterranean conduit to the foot of the hill, where, in a secluded, romantic nook in the rocks, it again leaps forth as playfully as of old, when it was known among the Dutch inhabitants as the 'fonteyn;' whence, in following its ancient outlet or run, it is soon lost in the modern Harlem Lake. Should it not be called Montague's Spring?" 2


[n19] "John La Montague, after the project to form a new settlement on the farm Vredendal had failed, continued at Harlem, one of the most useful and honored of its inhabitants. The Director and Council, November 3d, 1661, appointed him schepen, with Slot and Tourneur as associates; and when Slot retired a year later, he succeeded as schout, which office he retained till the Dutch rule ended. He was the first Town Clerk, so far as appears from the earliest protocol or register, but which commences only with January 13, 1662, leaving the preceding sixteen months a blank; an unfortunate vacuum at the introduction of the town history, though partially filled by other records. But from this date Montague's minutes (save another hiatus of fifteen months) are quite complete for ten years, up to his death.

However thwarted were the Montagues in their plans respecting Vredendal, they yielded gracefully to the alternative which secured to John La Montague, the doctor's eldest son, that part of the property called the Point, of which his father was the original grantee, but surrendered the Flat to the government, to be parceled out to such of the people of Harlem as still wanted more land, and upon terms which, though not stated, probably did not differ from those of the previous allotments. but without doubt looking to a liquidation of the large debt due from Dr. Montagne to the company. While John La Montague was to remain the possessor of the Point, which was rated at sixteen morgen, it was open to his brother William (we think then engaged to succeed Zyperns as schoolmaster, and hence usually styled by his brother "Meester Willem"), if he should become a freeholder, in same manner as others, by the purchase of the usual allotment, to draw with them his proportionate share of the Flat, enough to give him likewise sixteen morgen. It was clearly a compromise regarding Yredendal. arranged, as it could only be, with the sanction and by order of the Director and Council ; and the correspondence which at this time these were having with Dr. Montagne respecting his long-standing indebtedness to the company, and for which they strongly censured him, shows that their action as aforesaid was a stern necessity. 2


[n20] "Monsieur la Montagne had been in the council in Kieft's time, and was then very much suspected by many. He had no commission from the Fatherland, was driven by the war from his farm, is also very much indebted to the company, and therefore is compelled to dissemble. But it is sufficiently known from himself that he is not pleased, and is opposed to the administration." van der Donck 1650, p77


[n21] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book HH, page 5.


[n22] "In May, 1670, Montayne dropped the Jr. from his name, indicating his father's decease." 2

"Motayne was commended for his discreet rule as vice-director at Fort Orange, which lasted till 1664; much of his official correspondence with Stuyvesant is preserved. He prudently swore allegiance to the new government, but from this date is lost sight of, and probably accompanied his old friend Stuyvesant on his errand to Holland in 1665, to defend his course in surrendering the country to the English. There is reason to conclude that Dr. Montayne died abroad in 1670." 2


[n23] The journal for this expedition gives the of these eleven men with the following: "There were chosen for this pur- Leyden pose Louis Le Maire, Barthelemi Digan, Anthoine Descendre, Anthoine Beaumont, Jehan Godebon, Abraham Douillers, Dominique Masure, Jehan and Gilles Daynef [Daynef is correct spelling as all others has name as "Daynes". Johannes Daynef was several times registered at Leiden University], brothers and Jehan Mousnier de la Montagne, over whom when landed the said Jesse desforest was to have command."


[n24] "Hartsinck, the historian, says that this is what the Spaniards did only two years later, killing off almost all the Dutch colonists on the Amazon." 4


[n25] Of the authorship of the Journal titled Journal du voyage faict par les pères de familles… de Gujane, Emily De Forest, in her work “A Walloon family in America…" (vol.2), having proved that it was Jesse de Forest to whom the Journal referred to as “our Captain,” went on in support of the assumption that Johannes La Montagne was the true author of this Journal by presenting the following in evidence. First she proves that the author wasn’t Jesse de Forest as he is alluded to in the Journal several times, either by name or by the descriptive title of “Our Captain,” but always in the third person. She further states that the handwriting in the Journal is “certainly not Jesse’s.” She then eliminates Jean Le Maire by reason that he was also referred to in the Journal in the third person when those of the pères de familles who were to remain behind at the Wyapoko were identified as, “our said Captain, Louis le Maire and I.” Here mrs. DeForest rightly asks, who was "I" as given in this afore given quote, suggesting that if you find the answer to this question you will have the identity of the author.

Known that Johannes La Montagne was one of the original members of the pères de familles, here Emily de Forest provides some of the evidence that lends to the possibility of him being the author of the Journal by first alluding to his education and ability as qualifying factors. Next she remarks of the similarity between the handwriting of the Journal with that of La Montagne, particularly with that of a letter written in French by La Montagne that is still preserved in Albany.

However, Mrs. DeForest now backs off of what seemed to be support of La Montagne being the author of the Journal and reverts to supporting Jesse de Forest as being the said author by presenting lack-luster evidence and proffering a little supported theory, the substance of which follow:


“It seems possible, even probable, that the Journal now in the British Museum is a contemporary copy of the original. Many such copies were made in those days, when printed books were scarce. Were this the original manuscript, it would seem impossible that it should be so neatly finished and that there should be so few erasures and corrections.”

“The handwriting of this manuscript is identical throughout, but it is at least possible that the original Journal was not entirely written by one person. After January I, 1624, when the Pigeon left the three pères de familles and the six members of the crew on the Wyapoko, there is a change in the method of wording the entries. The day of the week is no longer mentioned, but only the day of the month, and the entries are not made with the same regularity as before, sometimes as much as a couple of months intervening between them. These variations possibly indicate a change of author—a change that would not show in a manuscript copy.”

“It seems, therefore, to the writer, that Jesse de Forest may have written the early part of the Journal; that is, the part prior to his landing in Guiana, after which his increase duties might have made it possible for him to continue keeping the records. The fact that the whole manuscript was written in the first person plural is no argument against this theory, for Journals at that time were often so written. Nor would this fact in any way interfere with the supposition that La Montagne was the writer who called himself ‘I’ on December 27, 1623. He it was probably who continued to keep the Journal after Jesse was obliged to give it up. He was possibly also the copyist who made a transcript of the original manuscript and who drew the maps and views, which were apparently made by the same hand as the text.”


To me it seems that Emily DeForest goes out of the way to prove that Jesse de Forest was indeed the author of the Journal. First of all, the Journal, to a near a certainty, appears to be in the handwriting of La Montagne. In addition, the journal mentions both Jesse de Forest and Louis LeMaire more than once in the third person.

Further, I would like to put forth the hypothesis that one of La Montagne’s reasons for maintaining this Journal, and collecting the information associated with it, may have been in keeping with a promise he might have made to perhaps Johannes de Laet, or even Wassenaer himself. The promise being for him to take detailed notes of the expedition and especially to create and collect maps, charts, and potentially useful geographical, scientific and cultural observations, all to be sent back to the Netherlands for study or publication. And that it may have been La Montagne who was the promisor, and the afore mentioned the promise, written of in a letter dated at the Wyapoko on December 31, 1623, and likely sent back to the Netherlands the next day with the departing of the majority of the pères de familles, this being the same letter that Wassenaer quotes in his Historisch Verhael. The preceding scenario might explain why the regularity, and the form by which the entries were given in the Journal, changed after January 1, 1624—Perhaps La Montagne had fulfilled his promise. Here also, now that he and his companions were now essentially marooned, there was less opportunity to make constant observations. There is also a tone in the letter published by Wassenaer that the person who made the promise, whatever this promise might have been, had fulfilled his obligation—Hence, perhaps the sudden change in the Journal. Another intended mission may have been to seek out "Eldorado".  4


[n26] There's some contradiction as to the date of the departure of the Pigeon as given in the source A Walloon Family in America... it may be that the Pigeon left on January 1, 1624, or sometime between these two dates. 4


[n27] Sloane MS 179 B


[n28] "An imposing grant of the whole coast, from Chesapeake Bay to Newfoundland, made in 1614 to two private individuals, became in 1621 the property of the newly-formed Dutch West India Company. Although some settlements were founded and efforts made to bring in new colonists, New Netherland remained throughout its history a matter of very secondary interest to the West India Company. The aim and object of the Company had from the first been to carry on active war with Spain. " The expected service for the welfare of our fatherland and the destruction of our hereditary enemy could not," they scornfully asserted, " be accomplished by the trifling trade with the Indians or the tardy cultivation of uninhabitable regions." They recognized that " the colonizing of such wild and uncultivated countries demands more inhabitants than we can well supply: not so much from lack of population, in which our provinces abound, as from the fact that all who are inclined to do any sort of work here procure enough to eat without any trouble, and are therefore unwilling to go far from here on an uncertainty." The special circumstances of the English on the other hand enabled them to follow the advice given by Sir William Boswell, the English representative at the Hague, in 1642, to "crowd on, crowding the Dutch out of those places where they have occupied, but without hostility or any act of violence." The only credit which Adam Smith allowed to the policy of Europe in establishment of colonies was that it had been magna viiion mater. The main reason why the English prevailed was that under the English system, or no-system, the necessary men were obtained as they were under no other. Lack of population in any case prevented the Netherlands from disputing with England the heritage of North America.

We have already said that other concerns than the peaceful development of over-sea colonies occupied the minds of the Dutch West India Company. It was started as a move in the war game, and its fate was that without war it could not maintain a profitable existence. Under its charter the Company enjoyed a monopoly for twenty-four years of the trade with the western coast of Africa and with the West Indies and America. The Company consisted of the five Chambers of Amsterdam, Zeeland, Rotterdam, the northern district 750 Operations in Brazil. [1621-35 (Hoorn and Friesland), and Groningen. The Amsterdam Chamber held four-ninths of the stock, the Zeeland two-ninths, and the other Chambers one-ninth each. The separate Chambers had their separate Directors, but the general administration of affairs was in the hands of a Committee of Nineteen, eight of whom were elected by the Amsterdam Chamber, four by that of Zeeland, and two by each of the other Chambers. The nineteenth director was appointed by the States General. The political character of the Company was further emphasized by the fact that the States General agreed to make an annual payment of two hundred thousand florins to the Company, only one-half of which was to rank for dividends. In the event of serious war the States General further covenanted to furnish the Company with sixteen vessels of war and four yachts, on condition that the Company furnished a similar fleet. The truce of twelve years between Spain and the Netherlands, which, so far as the colonies were concerned, had been no truce, expired in 1621, and the way was open to the new Company to strike at the heart of Spanish power. The decision to direct the attack upon Brazil was probably wise, though it was criticized by Usselincx, to whom the foundation of the West India Company was mainly due. (In other ways the constitution of the Company did not follow the lines advised by Usselincx. He was in favour of development by trade and colonization and distrusted the aggressive policy which prevailed.) Brazil had been Portugal's most successful effort in colonization ; and, between the short-sighted jealousy of Spanish statesmen and the apathy of the Portuguese inhabitants under the new dominion, there were grounds for the expectation that an attack might meet with success. The first triumph of the Dutch, which is described in the preceding chapter, proved indeed delusive. San Salvador was taken in 1624 by a Dutch force under Jacob Willekens and Piet Hein only to be lost the following year; and, though more than one attempt was made, San Salvador was never again a Dutch possession. To the north, however, their power gradually consolidated itself. Olinda, the capital of the captaincy of Pernambuco, was taken in 1630, and though for two years the ReciflF ofF the mainland was the only Dutch territory, the defection of a mulatto, Calabar, from the Portuguese changed the complexion of affairs. The captaincies of Itamaraca (1633), Rio Grande (1633), and Parahiba (1634) were conquered, and by the close of 1635 most of Pernambuco was in the possession of the Dutch. In the first year of the Company its enormous expenditure was in great measure recouped by the spoils taken from the enemy. Thus, after Piet Hem's successful capture of the Spanish treasure fleet in 1628, described in the preceding chapter, it has been already noted that not less than between eleven and twelve million florins were realized from the spoil, which served to pay the shareholders a dividend of over fifty per cent. The vast scale of the Company's workings may be gauged from the following figures. It is computed that between 1623 and 1626 it sent out no less than eight hundred and six vessels, with over sixty-seven thousand soldiers and sailors, and captured no less than about five hundred and fifty ships of the enemy. It did not war with the Portuguese colony alone, but destroyed Truxillo in Central America, and took the island of Curacoa in the West Indies from Spain. Splendid as were these results they by no means pointed the way to commercial prosperity. The actual trade with Brazil amounted to very little, and it was decided to put things on a new basis by the appointment of a new Governor-General."Acton, p749


[n29] The translation of the Journal, attributed to Jesse de Forest, which is found in the source A Walloon Family in America, Lookwood de Forest and His Forbears, 1500-1848, volume II gives that the surgeon was married on Sunday the 16th of August, as well as a celebration given the next day ("Monday")... but this doesn't fit with the rest of the dates and days of the week given.


[n30] Regarding the written and spoken languages understood by Johannes la Montagne... We can justly assume that he could read and write French as he was likely born in France and was of French descent; we can assume that he could read and write in Dutch as he lived in the Netherlands and held office at New Netherland, a Dutch colony; we can assume that he could read and write in Latin as he likely had a classical education, as well as Latin being a near prerequisite for a formal medical education, and there is at least one example of La Montagne using a Latin phrase, "quis cingit ostio" when, in a letter to Stuyvesant and the Directors, he was writing of his debt to the company; it is likely that he could read and possibly write in Greek as he likely had a classical education; according to at least one source he was "versed in English and Indian tongues." 15


[n31] Some say Dr. La Montagne may have died in the Netherlands.


[n2] John Underhill (AKA Onderhil, "Van der Hyl") was an Englishman who was also involved in the Pequot Massacre by the English in Connecticut.


[n33] Nanichiestawack, meaning "a place of safety" was, as some say, was located in what is now Westchester Co., New York, near the present day village of Bedford. Here it would seem that John Underhill (AKA Onderhil, "Van der Hyl") used the same tactics that were used in the Massacre of the Pequods seven years earlier. This time he was in the employ of the Dutch. Just previous to the Nanichiestack massacre, he was under the command of La Montagne at Long Island. On March 11, 1644, at New Amsterdam La Montagne submitted the testamentary disposition of Jan Manje, who was lying wounded at Stamford. So it may be possible that John La Montagne was present at Stamford, and maybe even during this massacre though the latter doesn't seem to be likely as the few source available don't name him... he would have also been about forty-eight years of age and the journey to this village, especially through snow and river crossings would have been a grueling trek.


[n34] With the outbreak of "Kieft's War" the animosity leveled against Kieft reached a fevered pitch. There was talk of grabbing him and putting him on a boat back to Amsterdam. Maryn Andriaensen was one of the Twelve Men of the Council, and one of three who had signed the petition of February 22 asking Kieft to avenge the blood that had been shed. He was also captain of the civic guard and present at the massacre on Curler's plantation. But soon after the massacre his farm was one of the first burned in retaliation, and along with his loss of property his reputation probably suffered too as being seen as one of those responsible for those massacres which reaped much retaliation upon the people and property of New Amsterdam. But Andriaensen must have come to the conclusion that he was wronged, for on March 21 he attempted to assassinate Kieft and may have succeeded had it not been for John La Montagne.


[n35] Thomas Baxter had earlier in the year contracted to furnish the palisades for build the wall protecting New Amsterdam. He had lived for some time in New Netherland and serve with the New Netherland forces in their hostilities with the Indians. Baxter had become frustrated with Stuyvesant's rule and believed the English of the colony were being treated as second class citizens. In 1653, at a time when England and the Netherlands were at war, he obtained letters of marque from Rhode Island, became a privateer, and harassed Dutch commerce in the waters about New Netherlands.


[n36] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book GG, page 100. GEHRING 1980, p29


[n37] While in Leiden the La Montagne's were members of the Waals Reformed Church. As to their residence in New Netherland, all known church records that include Johannes La Montagne are contained in the register of the DRC of New Amsterdam (NYC).


[n38] There has been confusion among various chroniclers as to actual date of the marriage of Johannes La Montagne and Rachel de Forest. The confusion seems to stem from the various dates recorded in the several primary sources for this union. However, it would appear that the record of the date for the marriage for John La Montagne and Rachel de Forest was recorded in the register of the Walloon Church (December 13) as well as the date of the first proclamation (November 28), along with 3 check marks denoting the performance of three consecutive proclamations needed to satisfy the Banns of Marriage. Contrast this with the singe date found in the records of the reformed church (Nov. 27), which matches the date of the civil registration, and it might be well interpreted that this was the date the couple registered their intention to marry in the manner of those of the Reformed Religion. W. J. C. Rammelman Elsevier, the archivist at Leiden who was the researcher for James Riker, and likely well acquainted with the sources, wrote an article where he gave that John and Rachel were betrothed on 28 Nov., 1626 and married on 13 Dec., 1626. Riker gave the marriage date as 12 Dec., 1626 and states that they were married by the pastor of the Walloon Church. Others have given the date of the marriage as being November 27th or November 28th. FHL 118979, v.172, p.99 FHL 119014, v.264, p.16 FHL 118938, v.82, p.90 n132 ELSEVIER 440 RIKER, 85 w27 n133


The civil register of those intending to marry has the following entry:FHL 119014, v.264, p.16
http://nycnuts.net/ancestors/lamontagne/images/fhl_119014_v264_p16_entry

The register of the Reformed Church has the following entry:FHL 118938, v.82, p.90 n132 n133
http://nycnuts.net/ancestors/lamontagne/images/fhl_118938_v82_p90_entry

The marriage register of the Walloon Church has the following entry:FHL 118979, v.172, p.99
http://nycnuts.net/ancestors/lamontagne/images/fhl_118979_v172_p99_entry


[n39] The source History of New Netherland: or, New York under the Dutch, Volume 1 has that is was during the council meeting of 24 February, 1643 wherein Kieft was seeking action against the Indians then camped in the area about New Amsterdam, where La Montagne said, with this action the Director-general "was about to build a bridge, over which war would stalk, ere long, through the whole country." However, the source Revised History of Harlem (city of New York): its origin and early annals has La Montagne saying, "A bridge has been built, over which war will soon stalk through the land," in reference to the tax that Kieft tried to impose on the Indians in 1639. This latter source is supported by documentary evidence provided in the Documents relative to the colonial history of the State of New York, Volume 1, and this quote seems to be derived from intended questions that were to be posed to Vice-director La Montagne on his comments regarding this matter as part of an investigation on Kieft's supposed mismanagement of New Netherland.


[n40] For more on the massacres of February, 1643, and New Netherland being mismanaged under Kieft SEE the source Documents relative to the colonial history of the State of New York, Volume 1 starting on page 188.


[n41] In 1655 Hendrick van Dyck (AKA van Dyke) shot an Indian woman who was taking peaches from his garden and some say this was the casus belli of the Peach Tree War.


[n42] The record of this burial gives, "Een kind van Jan Monijer bij't Klockhuijs."FHL 119041, v.7, p.ccxxxvii   Klockhuijs might be translated "clock house." One source has that it's meaning was that the deceased lived near the "bellfry." According to Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, volume IX of the third series, referring to the residence of John Robinson as described in his burial record, "Near the Belfry of Leyden there was a large square, on one side of which alone were a few houses." This source had "4 Maart—Jan Roelends (Robinson), Predicant van de Engelsche Gemeente, by het Klockhuijs,—begraven in de Pieter's Kerk." The translation given was, "John Roelends, Preacher of the English sect, by the Belfry,—buried in the Peter's Church." According to The Genesis of the New England Churches, referring to the residence of John Robinson who was the Pilgrims preacher, "It was near the Peter's-church, being just across the street from the "clock-house" (or campanile) of that grand old edifice."


[n43] "Jan La Montagne's last official act as Town Clerk of New Harlem was to record a case of assault on 23 April 1672. Below this entry is written: "Here ends the register....of Jan de La Montagne....[who] died in 1672. Jan La Montagne made his will on 13 May 1672, but only the date of the record remains."50


[n44] The Kloksteeg ends in a big square called Pieterskerkof. The tall Pieterskerk tower at the west front of the church collapsed in 1512, but the bell was unbroken and was hung in a stubby free-standing tower at the corner of the church yard, giving the name Bell Alley or Kloksteeg to the street. "The University building stood in the southwestern part of the city, upon the west side of the street and canal called the Rapenburg, where it was crossed by the Nun's Bridge, upon the lane running east and west known as the Kloksteeg. The building (a very plain structure, formerly a cloister of the White Nuns), being nearly consumed by fire November 11, 1616, had been rebuilt with more elegance and better accommodations, and adorned with a spire and clock... From the eastern windows of the University, looking down the Kloksteeg, could often be seen a company of Englsh dissenters, assembling for worship at the dwelling of their pastor, John Robinson, on the south side of the street, opposite St. Peter's Church."[Riker 80]
Etching of the Kloksteeg


[n45] The 300 gilders was part of the settlement of William's share of the estate of Jean de Forest, who was his uncle. Johannes Panhuysen and David De Toy were the son-in-laws of Gerald de Forest, who was the brother of Jean.


[n46]


[n47] Concerning the name Le Maire and its connection to de Forest and La Montagne. Loius Le Maire was one of the "Peres de familles" who accompanied Jesse de Forest to Guyana. He was also one of those who stayed behind with Jesse de Forest and La Montagne when the others sailed back to the Netherlands. His name first appears in the Leiden Walloon records a mont or so after the Round-Robin, and lists him as coming from Sedan. PRO 498 BAIRD 352 At Leiden in 1620 "Jean de la Marlier" was a witness at the baptism of Philippe, son of Jesse des Forest and Marie du Cloux. At the Walloon church of Leiden in 1632, Jean du Forest en Esther de la Grange were witnesses at the baptism of Jean Le Maire, son of Antoine Le Maire. It was perhaps in the late 1620s that Jean (Johannes) Le Maire, printer of Leiden, published the book Le Grand Royavme Dantangel or, Histoire Du Grand et Admirable Royavme Dantangel, which has been ascribed to a Jean de la Montagne. n111 This book has been included and described in the book, Writing the new world: imaginary voyages and utopias of the great southern land, by David Fausett. The fact that Le Maire was known to publish works almost exclusively with persons associated with Leiden University, and that he probably published this book about the same time that our Jean de La Montagne returned from the expedition to Guiana, leaves me to believe that is was our Jean de La Montagne who authored that book. "Jan or Johannes Le Maire was the son of Anthoni Le Maire, a Protestant bookbinder of Valenciennes. When the Spanish repression of the revolt in the Netherlands started in 1567, Anthoni fled with his family to London. There he was engaged in bookbinding until 1576 when the situation at home ameliorated. He first went to Antwerp, but settled in Leiden in 1584 where he became alderman of the Walloon Church. He continued his craft and also traded in books. His son Johannes became bookseller and printer, married a girl from Leiden in 1602 and registered as a citizen in 1606."

The following is from a description of the book Fac et Spera. Joannes Maire, Publisher, Printer and Bookseller in Leiden, 1603-1657. A Bibliography of his Publications. "In Leiden, where the presence of a university contributed to that success, Joannes Maire built up, in the course of more than fifty years, a list of at least 527 titles, especially in the fields of medicine, theology and classical philology. Although he is nowadays chiefly remembered as the original publisher of René Descartes's Discours de la methode (1637), his contemporaries knew him better from his numerous editions of works of Desiderius Erasmus. Maire's cooperation in his earlier years as a publisher with the Raphelengii and Thomas Erpenius, professor of Oriental languages in Leiden, and the availability of his books at the fairs of Frankfurt and Leipzig spread his name rapidly in academic circles. Dr Breugelmans's book has several interesting elements. It is the first one to pay attention to a single Leiden printer/publisher on such a large scale. Extensive bibliographical descriptions of Maire's books form the greater part of this publication and the inclusion of their title-pages on a CD-ROM is a novelty too. An introduction, giving substantial information on Maire and his authors and on other aspects of his list, such as the phenomenon of 'parallel editions', supplies valuable further information on the working methods of a printer of that period. The inventory of Maire's estate proved to be an important source for his contacts with his colleagues, among them the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp." "Jan le Maire, natif de _ergon(?)" married at the Waals Church of Leiden "Corneille Carpentier naif fr Bambeke.FHL Film 118979, v.172, p.33 However, this likely wasn't the same Le Maire who was the printer as this marriage occurred about 10 years after Le Maire's first appearance as a printer in Leiden.


[n48] There were seemingly two persons who signed the Round Robin Petition with the name "Mousnier de la Montagne." The one given as a medical student is assumed to be Jean, while the other, given as a "pharmacien et chirurgien," has been assumed to be either Jean's older brother, or his widowed father. Both signers were given as a "Homme a marier," or a man suitable for marriage. Note, it's unlikely that the same person would sign a document twice, but there is a slim chance this same petition was presented, or intended to be presented to some other party, such as the Dutch, perhaps La Montagne was not as yet considered qualified as a pharmacist but when this same petition was now presented to Carleton he was qualified or employed as such.

Question: what are the puctuation(?) marks above the first signature. The marks in question are above the "s" and "i" in the name Mousnier. They look more like symbols than puctuation.

NOTE—[The I have checked much of the available notary documents from Leiden for the variants of the name Mousier and for La Montagne in the hope of finding a matching signature for the second "Mousier La Montagne" signer, but did not find one—However, more notary records at Leiden, as well as those for Amsterdam, Middleberg, and the Hague, in the least, should also be checked for a matching signature. With this said, I think the two signatures are both from La Montagne. As he composed and drew up the round robin, he might have started this emigration project much earlier and signed it when he was a medical student c1619-1620, which was the same period that the Pilgrims were also petitioning the English for settlement in Virginia. The mid-Atlantic states seems to have been the preferred destination of the petitioners. It seems very probable that La Montagne and Jesse de Forest held off on their plan to petition the English until the plans for the newly to be formed Dutch West India Company were set forth. The Company was officially formed in July, 1621 but delays in any expeditions under the charter were evidently fore seen—maybe waiting for the 12 year truce with Spain to expire— for it was but the month after the Dutch West India Company was given a charter that these round robin signers were now petitioning the English. I suspect that all along the preferred location for a colony of theses Wallons, likely with the advice given by De Laet and Tousaaint Muysart, was within the area between the Connecticut and Delaware Rivers. Conflicting claims to this territory then commonly known along with much of the rest of north America from Massachusetts to the Carolinas as "Virginia" and the fact that this desired locations would fall between two English settlements, made it most pressing for the Walloons to make their play to settle this territory, whether their supporters be English or Dutch, though they probably preferred the Dutch as probably did the Pilgrims.


[n49] Being that when La Montagne purchased the de Forest farm he received 1/4 of the tobacco crop, we may be able to deduce that there were four partners in that crop, or that the estate of Henry de forest was divided into 4 shares—we should be able to bring more clarity to this point. On October 11, 1640, a receipt of Johannes la Montagne to Andries Hudde, where la Montagne, in lieu of a payment for a sixth part of the de Forest estate, promises to Johannes and Isaac de Forest their rightful portion.


[n50] "In addition to the cost of the ship, de Forest and Van Rensselaer were to share in the cost of the cargo worth from 6000 to 7000 guilders, in provisioning the ship for twelve persons and their wages. It was also stated that Van Rensselaer would be responsible for the cost of the passage for colonist destined for the Patroonship of Rensselaerswyck and Gerard de Forest was to share in Van Rensselaer's right to the coast trade between Florida and Newfoundland, in the lumber and salt trade, as well as in the letters of marque which van Rensselaer had received from the Prince of Orange. "The venture amounted to much more than was agreed upon and was almost 15,500 guilders. The settlement of the account of Gerard de Forest and his associates seems to have been attended with much difficulty. The Letter Book of Kiliaen contains many letters to Gerard himself and members of his family, which, in every shade between entreaty and threats, press for the payment of the share put by them into the ship's venture. For more than a year Kiliaen was disappointed every time that he reckoned upon settlement. Under skipper Jan Tjcpkcs Schelling, the boat sailed out of the Y on September 25, 1636, and put to sea from the Texel October 8, with no less than 38 colonists on board, including six women. The prosperous voyage, so eagerly desired, did not ensue."8


[n51] "Hendrick de Forest sailed soon after the date of this entry for New Netherland as mate on the ship Rensselaerswyck, which arrived at Manhattan on March 5, 1637. The supposition has been heretofore that he immediately after his arrival secured a grant from Wouter van Twiller for one hundred morgens of land on Manhattan Island. The present entry shows that this grant was secured at an earlier date; consequently that De Forest had been in New Netherland before 1636, probably in connection with the voyage which he undertook in 1632 with Captain David Pietersen de Vries. See Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS., p. 197, Mrs. Robert W. de Forest, A Walloon Family in America, I:8i-82; 2:352-55." NYG&B, v49, p225


[n52] As it's believed that Johannes La Montagne was a native of Saintonge this would make the following perhaps more relevant. There was the family de l'Aigle of Saintonge who were styled "Lords de la Montagne," and often used "la Montagne" as their surname—members of this family were noted for being ardent Catholics. For more information on this family SEE, Family of Antoine de l'Aigle - Lord de la Montagne.


[n53] On the settlements of Tabago: "The first colony upon the island was made under the auspices of Jan de Moor, burgomaster of Flushing, an enterprising merchant and trader, long closely connected with the Dutch settlement on the Essequibo, and consisted of Zeelanders from Walcheren. This colony was destroyed by the Caribs aided by a Spanish force from Trinidad in 1637. Edmondson (1901), 643


[n54] "The first colonization plan for Tobago had been set up by Jan de Moor, a wealthy and prominent merchant-adventurer, then the Burgomaster of Flushing and a member of the State Council of Holland. A Walloon community driven out Avesne sur Helpe (in nowadays Northern France) by Spanish persecution had taken refuge in Leyden under the guidance of Jesse (or Josse) De Forest; then Huguenots from everywhere in France followed them in Flushing. In 1623, De Forest asked De Moor a passage to America on one of his vessels, in order to settle fifty-four families on the Wilde Coast. De Moor agreed to separated them into three groups, one of them directed by De Forest to the river Oyapock (in present French Guyana). The little colony lasted one year until the death of its leader and rejoined the second group at Nieuw Avesne, later New Amsterdam and nowadays New York, under the command of the 'Walloon' Pierre Minuit in 1626. Quite little is known of the third group fate but it may be alleged that it had been sent to Tobago along with new Huguenot refugees escaping religious persecutions in France.

In March 1629, the settlement of Tobago was strengthened by fifty-six settlers from Flushing (Flussinguen) among whose could have been the first French speaking Walloons (actually an area covering Thierarche, Hainault and Brabant) from Spanish Low Countries present-day Northern France and Southern Belgium. This early presence of French speaking Calvinists among the Dutch colonist leads to reconsider the value of De Rochefort's account." saffache, 162


[n55]


[n56] Sapanapoca, located just under the equator, was an Anglo-Irish settlement on the northern extremity of the island now known as Ilha dos Porcos.


[n57] Another name for the ship Le Draecken Verd [Flying Dragon] was Vliegende Draeck. POOLE v.18; 659 Edmundson 1903


[n58] According to one source, "Next year, 1628, Van Stabels, in a ship called ' De Fortuyn,' took some colonists of Jan de Moor to the island of Tobago. He then joined the fleet of Admiral Pieter Adriaansz Ita, in which Pieterse was also sailing in the Leeuwin. It was the gallantry of Pieterse that chiefly led to the famous capture by Pieter Adriaansz of the Honduras galleons, and it was Van Stabels who was commissioned by the admiral to assist the Leeuwin in carrying home the spoil from the Spanish admiral's ship. POOLE v.18; 659fn


[n59] There are conflicting dates for the granting of the charter to the Dutch West India Company, some have that it was granted on Jun 3, 1620 while others give the date as June 3, 1621. There are also other sources that give additional dates for this same event.


[n60] For an example of the Oath of Allegiance SEE, Colonial Records, General Entries, Volume 1, 1664-65, page 118 for magistrates, and another on page 145.


[n61] This lot of Jan La Montagne's bordered that of his father's property and might have been associated with the property of the Red Lion Brewery.


[n62] Said to have been America’s first name–brand beer was that brewed by the Red Lion Brewery. The Red Lion, a popular symbol used in coat-of-arms and on both national and local flags, has long been a popular name for breweries, drinking establishments, hotels, ships, etc. In the case of this brewery the name was likely inspired by the first flag of the States-General which consisted of a red lion on a gold field holding a sword and seven arrows, with the arrows representing the Seven Provinces.

Known at the time as the "de Brouwerije vande Roode Leeuw," the brewery was located on the "Prinsen Straet," designated with the number "3" of block "L" on the Costello Plan, which would place it today at the street address of 47, 49, and 51 Beaver Street. This piece of land was patented to Johannes La Montagne on April 22, 1651. Stokes’s surmises that the brewery was not yet erected in September, 1656 as at that time it was not mentioned in a deed of an adjoining property.  STOKES v.2, p.287   First mention of the "de Brouwerije vande Roode Leeuw" comes from the "Nicasius de Sille List" of July 10th, 1660.  BONTEMANTEL p.61  STOKES v.2, p.349  STOKES v.2, C.PL.83   The earliest surviving deed mentioning the brewery is that dated the 24th of August, 1660 wherein the description of an adjoining property includes, "by the brewery and lot of Isaac de Forest and Joannes Vervelen." NY CO. DEEDS, Lib.A, p.210—p.211

Two additional deeds, in association with two Power of Attorney documents, give indication to some that Johannes, and son Jan La Montagne, were stake holders in this brewery, but the records are both clouded and vague. A detailed look at the translated versions of the land conveyances for the brewery property, and for the adjoining properties, leaves one wondering upon their reliability, or the upon reliability of the originals. For an abstract of most of the deeds pertaining to Block “L” of the Castello Plan for the period 1640 to 1680, SEE the Appendex [a7]. However, it should also be noted that for the year 1660 alone, La Montagne admitted to a debt to the Company in excess of 1,300 Florins, which may or may not have been used to help furnish the brewery–SEE the Appendex [a2]. To the involvement of the La Montagne's in the brewery business, further evidence can be found in the deeds that convey nearly all that Harlem bowery that remained having been originally granted to the elder La Montagne and was then being sold by the son, and his wife.

Conveyance of La Montagne land in 1671 by Jan La Montagne – “with the meadows lying in the Bend of Hellgate, which the seller has received in exchange for the Ton lot's meadows... excepting the sowing of grain and the plants of the hop plantation, with apple and pear trees, and twelve cherry trees” --- were these trees planted by the old Doctor La Montagne? ; the hops plantation was likely near fresh water, which was probably either the spring (Montayne's fontayne) or one of the two kills and may have been at the location of the old de Forest house. Also... this hops factory may have been connected in years earlier to the Red Lion Brewery. For both the production of beer and hard cider made from the produce of the fruit trees needs a clean, abundant water source.


[n63] For confirmatory patent SEE, Patents Albany, II: 158. Stokes, V2, p394


[n64] The place of nativity for members of the Billet family has been interpreted as being, or similar to, "Heyden," and in one case it was given that this place was in "Artois." Being that this place was in Artois it's likely the Billet family came from Hesdin, also known as Hedena or Hedin. The following are the interpretations of this place name as given in the church records of Leiden:
1596, marriage of Nicola Belettere to Mary Bygeng, place of nativity given as "Artois." FHL 119011, vol. 257, p.147
1597, marriage of Nickoel Billet to Michiel du Pon, place of nativity given as "Herdeyn." FHL 118937, vol. 78, p.13
1600, marriage of Nicolaes de Billeth to Marye Hermande, place of nativity given as "Heydeyn." FHL 119012, vol. 258, p.90
1600, marriage of Elysabeth Billeth to Galeyn Berbierre, place of nativity given as "Heddeyn." FHL 119012, vol. 258, p.109
1602, marriage of Mary Beleth to Pierre Barbiere, place of nativity given as "Ledeyn." FHL 119012, vol. 259, p.19
1603, marriage of Lysbet Beset (AKA Belettre) to Jan Graeu (AKA Grau), place of nativity given as "Hedeyn Artoys." FHL 119012, vol. 259, p.69


[n65] The original holograph letter of Nicholas De Sille is in the N, Y. Pub, Library, N.Neth. Papers, No. 1214. An annotation by Bontemantel reads: "Answered the 11th March, 1656." The text of the answer is not extant.


[n66] James Riker, the pre-eminent New Harlaem historian, died before the discovery of the "Jesse de Forest Journal", and he had assumed that La Montagne must have left the university in 1623 to join the war fleet headed out to meet the Spanish and Portuguese as he surmized that doctors would have been in demand... the question here being what source gave that "La Montagne...is found to have quit the University." I think it must have been du Rieu's communication with Riker.


[n67]


[n68] There is a contemporary copy of this letter in N. Neth. Papers, No. 1223 (2), in the NY Pub. Library. The text of the answer from the directors is not extant.


[n69] There is a contemporary extract of this letter in N. Neth. Papers, No. 1223 (3), in the NY Pub. Library.


[n70] SEE Rec. N. Am., I: 393-394; Cal. Hist. MSS., Dutch, 155. For the approval of plan SEE Cal. Hist. MSS., Dutch, 161; Rec. N. Am., II: 43.


[n71] "Agniet Jellis, widow of Elias Provoost, residing at the Heerengracht, married 26 January 1638 at Amsterdam Arent Corssen Stam, born 1615 at Amsterdam, son of Cors Setten and Annetje Gerrits, Commissioner, residing in the Keijsersstreet [Annetie Gerrits was probably the Anna Stam who was witness at the baptism of Jesse de la Montagne 6 April 1653 at New Amsterdam. Her marriage to Kors sethsz/Setten, house carpenter from Haarlem, age 24, is dated 15 November 1603 at Amsterdam, where she was assisted with her mother Annetje Dierxdr.]" NYG&B, v113, p5


[n72] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book HH, page 120. GEHRING 1980, p100


[n73] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book HH, page 132. GEHRING 1980, p104


[n74] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 1. GEHRING 1980, p109


[n75] "On 5 September 1652 the secretary began to keep a separate record which he marked II. Conveyances were recorded in this book until 15 October 1653, when once again the secretary began to record them in his minutes. GEHRING 1980, pvii


[n76] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 4. GEHRING 1980, p110


[n77] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 5. GEHRING 1980, p110


[n78] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 6. GEHRING 1980, p110


[n79] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 7. GEHRING 1980, p111


[n80] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 8. GEHRING 1980, p111


[n81] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 9. GEHRING 1980, p111


[n82] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 10. GEHRING 1980, p112


[n83] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 11. GEHRING 1980, p112


[n84] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 12. GEHRING 1980, p112


[n85] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 13. GEHRING 1980, p112


[n86] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 14. GEHRING 1980, p113


[n87] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 15. GEHRING 1980, p113


[n88] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 16. GEHRING 1980, p113


[n89] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 17. GEHRING 1980, p114


[n90] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 18. GEHRING 1980, p114


[n2] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 19. GEHRING 1980, p114


[n92] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 20. GEHRING 1980, p114


[n93] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 21. GEHRING 1980, p115


[n94] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 22. GEHRING 1980, p115


[n95] The original document located in New York State Archives, "Colonial Manuscripts," book II, page 23. GEHRING 1980, p115


[n96] For a contemporary account of the attack during the "Peach Tree War" given by van Tienhoven, SEE Stokes, v4, p162


[n97] The original source for this was New York Colonial Documents, vol. XIII, pages 55-56. Stokes, v4, p162


[n98] The original source for this was New York Colonial Documents, vol. II, page 372. Stokes, v4, p240


[n99] The original source for this was New York Colonial Documents, vol. II, page 373. Stokes, v4, p240


[n100] The original source for this was given as Harlem Records., (MS. translation) II: 80, in possession of N. Y. Public Library. Stokes, v2, p193 Stokes, v4, p240


[n101] A "beryh" is "a shed consisting of a movable roof set on posts, upon which it slides up or down, to shelter hay or grain against rain or snow." Fernow 1883, p10 fn


[n102] The original source for this was given as Harlem Records., (MS. translation) II: 80, in possession of N. Y. Public Library. Stokes, v2, p193 Stokes, v4, p240


[n2] various sources indicate that Kieft stopped going to church, as did La Montagne because the Minister Edvardus Bogardus continued to speak out against Kieft and his administration from the pulpit.


[n104] It was usual at New Amsterdam that when captains of ships were in port that they take an active part in the council.


[n105] "The legal history concerning the compulsory recording of conveyances, mortgages and other instruments affecting real estate in the City of New York begins with the Dutch regime in New Netherland. As early as 1638, it was required that legal instruments be written by the provincial secretary (Laws & Ord., N. Neth., 17). In 1646, it was provided that legal instruments, written by private individuals, which had not been verified under oath before the provincial court or other magistrates, were to be invalid (ibid., 59, 108). As 'divers clandestine abuses and Frauds' had 'been practiced in selling of Real Estate, such as Houses, Gardens, House lots and other lands, to the serious injury of Creditors,' Stuyvesant and his council decreed, on February 7, 1650, that henceforth no deed should be passed or signed by the secretary, or in his absence by the chief clerk, 'until it shall have been examined and approved by the Director and Council at the stated Court day,' and declared all contracts and conveyances passed in contravention of this act to be null and void (ibid., 114)."
      "In 1654, the burgomasters of New Amsterdam were empowered to execute transports or deeds of conveyances for houses and lots within the limits of their jurisdiction..."
      "These early Dutch records were not copies of signed and acknowledged indentures as they are now known... The owner of the land appeared in person before the council, or after 1654 before the city fathers, and made acknowledgement that he had sold his property to a person named by him. This declaration was written down by the secretary or the clerk in the presence of witnesses and the instrument was signed by the seller and buyer, as well as by two schepens." Stokes, v4, p132


[n106] This law was disapproved by the director of the company as they found the idea of officials checking the stores of merchants and examining their books were directly contrary to the course of free trade. O'Callaghan 1868, p68-69


[n107] The ancestry of the Jean Mousnier de la Montagne still eludes us. However, some leads do exist. One is the name "de La Montagne," which likely represent the name of an estate or family title. His family likely among the "noblesse de robe", a class of advocates, judges, and other officials of the towns, provinces, and the Crown. Titles of greater distinction would usually come from the King, which the "de" in front of "La Montagne", may indicate. Whatever the case, as of now our best clue to finding the ancestors of La Montagne is in finding the surname "Mousnier" connected to a title or estate. Having no clear evidence here we will start with our best lead. To this are centered around the Mousnier, Musnier, LeMusnier, families of Angouleme, and foremost among these families is Jean Mousnier, notary of Angouleme, who was married to Armoise Mesnier (Meynier). A record here of particular interest refers to a daughter's dowery of 3000 MARTIAL MOUSNIER—On this subject, there was a Martial Mosnier of Limoges, who was born about 1548 and married in 1575. One source gives, "Un Martial Mosnier a épousé une demoiselle de Louppes, Bastienne, apparentée à la famille de Montaigne en 1575"... "En 1599 il est question de Me Martial Mosnier, avocat au Parlement, époux de Jacquette de Louppes" [NOTE, the name Louppes might be derived from the town of Loupes which is in close proximity to Bordeaux]. Revue archéologique de Bordeaux, Vol 87

A translation of this would have that Martial Mosnier’s wife was connected to the family la Montaigne. This Martial Mosnier had lived at Bordeaux where he was associated with that parliament. Both Limoge and Bordeaux are in the general region of Saintes, to which our Jean Mousnier la Montagne has been linked, the former being less than 100 miles from Saintes and the latter being less than 80 miles from that same place. This Martial Mosnier was, among other things, a Latin poet and his name has been Latinized as “Monerius,” as has the name of our Jean Mousnier. A partial family genealogy of Martial Mosner can be found in Revue Nobiliaire, Historique et Biographique, Volume 6. As a side note, the philosopher Michel Eyquem de Montaigne (1533-1592) was born near Bordeaux and it was from his familial estate whence he took the name “Montaigne.”

Antoinette DeMontaigne (born DeLoupes de Villeneuve), 1510 - 1592 Antoinette DeMontaigne was born on month day 1511, at birth place, to Pierre de Loupes and Honorette Barbe López de de Loupes. Antoinette married Pierre Eyquem DeMontaigne on month day 1529, at age 18 at marriage place. They had 5 children: Jeanne de Lestonnac, Michel Eyquem or Maison De La Montagne and 3 other children. Antoinette passed away in 1592, at age 80 at death place.

However, perhaps the best clue we have to the early family connections of Jean Mousnier la Montagne comes from the document known as the “Round Robin.” Herein there seems to be given the signature of two persons who each signed their name “Mousnier de la Montagne.” One, probably the younger of the two, was a medical student and a “marrying man” whose handwriting clearly matches the hand writing found in the introductory paragraph of the Jesse de Forest Journal, de Forest, E.J., v2; 174 being most definitely that of our subject, Jean Mousnier de la Montagne. The other, probably the elder of the two, was given as an apothecary and surgeon, as well as a marrying man (unmarried), and is assumed to be a relation, likely an elder brother, or ucnle, but possibly the father of Jean. DE FOREST v1, p20-21 PRO 498 BAIRD 352

With regard to the name “de Louppes”, that being the name of Martial Mousnier’s wife and the possible connection to the family of the philosopher Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592), who was born near Bordeaux and it was from his familial estate whence he took the name “Montaigne.”… Antoinette DeMontaigne (born DeLoupes de Villeneuve), 1510 - 1592 Antoinette DeMontaigne was born on month day 1511, at birth place, to Pierre de Loupes and Honorette Barbe López de de Loupes. Antoinette married Pierre Eyquem DeMontaigne on month day 1529, at age 18 at marriage place. They had 5 children: Jeanne de Lestonnac, Michel Eyquem or Maison De La Montagne and 3 other children. Antoinette passed away in 1592, at age 80 at death place. Here’s more information regarding Martial Mousnier: The source, Iter Italicum: A finding list of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic MSS, volume 3 Alia iterera: Australia to Germany, has the manuscript listings for the following authors which need to be checked in the above source: Monerius, Johannes, vol. 3 283b(?) Monerius, Marcus , vol. 3, 320b Monerius, Martialis vol 3, 98br; vol. 5, 383a [Note, there are also entries for “Montanus” that need to be checked, and entries for Mousnier also need to be checked. “Martialis Monerii Lemovicis” was the author of several books. [Lemovices, um, m., a people of Aquitanian Gaul, neighbors of the Arverni; their name, as applied to their ancient capital, is preserved in the modern form of Limoges]

Hope remains that one day we will uncover a record that links Jean Mousnier to earlier family members. In this regard several avenues of research might be explored, such as searching for a notary document in the Leiden Archives, where might be found a signature that matches that of the elder "Mousnier de la Montagne" found on the "Round Robin," as the very same has been done with the signatures of the younger (Jean Mousnier). As to these notary records, they are poorly indexed and there's hope that someone my stumble upon a document that can be proved to contain mention of Jean Mousnier and a yet unknown relative. We m One might also search the Leiden Archives for records of persons who interchangeably used a variant of the name Mousnier, as well as the name la Montagne. Of these avenues of research such efforts have been made, but no such record has yet been found.

This researcher believes that the ancestry of Jean Mousnier de La Montagne will be fould alon the Charente River, likely above Saintes somewhere between Cognac and Angouleme, and again to this researchers opinion, amoung the Mousnier's of Angouleme. In this same area were the prominent family of "de l'Aigle" who carried the title or fife "de La Montagne", but after aquirering great titles in other parts of France, apparently sold or relinquished the same. Family sources that family say the title referred to as "de La Montagne" was last in the possession of the Rouffignac family. Francois LeMusnier, aka "Mousnier de Lartige", began carrying the additional title "de Rouffignac" sometime before his death in 1605(?), and continued to be used by his son eldest son Jacques, who held positions of great prominence. Both Francois and his son Jacques had been mayors of Angouleme. For more on the possible ancestors and origins of La Montagne SEE, N107. [ The webpage HERE gives the following regarding Rouffignac Castle... "Rouffignac was a lordship of Moulidars, which extended over nine parishes. It was sold in 1602 to François Le Musnier, Lord of Lartige. Between 1612 and 1625, Jacques Le Musnier, king's adviser and lord of Rouffignac, acquired all the lands of Moulidars, except the castle of Ardenne which had been sold by Isaac Méhée and owned in 1608 by Raymond de Forgues, baron of Pines. The successive owners of the castle of Rouffignac were François Le Musnier, squire, adviser to the King, lord of Lartige. In 1571 he owned La Rocque en Saint-Simon, the noble house of Lhoumelet and the lordships of Rouffignac and Mosnac. He had bought by contract of October 9, 1602, 4/5ths of the seigneury of Rouffignac. The richest and most honored of this branch was Jacques Le Musnier, knight, Lord of Rouffignac, Mosnac, Moulidars, Lartige, etc. The Château de Rouffignac remained in possession of the Musniers until the beginning of the 19th century, when it was broken up and sold." Transport par Poncet Brunet, écuyer, sieur de Tignou, demeurant audit lieu , paroisse de Marcillac, châtellenie de Jarnac, tant en son nom que pour et au nom de demoiselle Madeleine de Lestang, sa femme, d'une part ; à maître Clément Laisné, licencié en lois , avocat, demeurant en la ville d'Angoulême, d'autre part savoir est de la somme de 50 livres tournois de rente seigneuriale, directe et foncière , dont ledit Brunet sera tenu de donner assiette audit Laisné sur tous ses biens en général et spécialement sur ceux qui sont assis au dedans de la châtellenie de Jarnac, l'acte passé à Jarnac, le 14 janvier 1567 , en présence de maître Berthoumé Brynet, demeurant audit Jarnac, et de Jean Laisné, procureur au présidial d'Angoumois . A la suite de cet acte est un advenant du dernier octobre 1592 , portant amortissement de ladite rente par noble homme François Le Meusnier, maire et capitaine de la ville d'Angoulême, président en l'élection , à Martial de Lestang, écuyer, sieur du Vivier de Longré, ledit Le Meusnier comme cessionnaire des droits de la veuve et des héritiers de Clément Laisné. – Retrait lignager sur Jean Manès, subrogé aux droits de Jean de Rouffignac, maître chirurgien de la ville d'Angoulême, par Jean Carrouet, d'une maison sise à Angoulême, paroisse St- André, laquelle avait précédemmentappartenu à maître Arnaud Carrouet , frère dudit Jean , sur lequel elle avait été saisie et adjugée ensuite , pour le prix de 110 livres, audit Jean de Rouflignac ( 17 janvier ).


[n108] Some la Montagne researchers believe that Jolant was a male child, probably the male child of "Jan Monijer" who was buried on November 7, 1635 at Pieterskerk. However, However the name Jolant or Jolanta, is a variant of the female name Yolanda.


[n109] There seems to be some discrepancy as the Carlton letter referring to the request of Jesse de Forest is dated June 19, 1621, while the written request and the round robin both bear the date of June 21, 1621. Green suggests that Carlton withheld his letter until de Forest returned with the other proposal and the round robin. GREEN p23. A more likely explanation might be the difference in the Gregorian and Julian calendars which was about 10 days in 1621. Some of Netherlands States adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1582 and 1583 while others didn't adopt it until 1700, whereas Great Britain didn't adopt the Gregorian calendar until 1752. France adopted the new calendar in 1582. For more on the SEE JAMESON, page vi


[n110] As to the discovery of Gold and it's use by the Native Americans in their war paint Vander Donck wrote the following, "In the year 1645, we were employed with the officers and rulers at the colony of Rensselaerwyck in negotiating a treaty of peace with the Maquas, (Mohawk Indians,) who then were and still are the strongest and fiercest Indian nation of the country; whereas the Director General, William Kieft, of the one part, and the chiefs of the Indian nations of the neighboring country, on the other part, attended. To proceed with the treaty, the citizens of Rensselaerwyck procured a certain Indian, named Agheroense, to attend and serve as an interpreter, who was well known to the Christians, having been much among them, and who also spoke and understood all the Indian languages which were spoken by the parties that attended the negotiations. As the Indians are generally disposed to paint and ornament their faces with several brilliant colors, it happened on a certain morning, that this Indian interpreter, who lodged in the Director's house, came down stairs, and in the presence of the Director and myself, sat down, and began stroking and painting his face. The Director observed the operation, and requested me to inquire of the Indian what substance he was using, which he handed to me, and I passed it to the Director, who examined the same attentively, and judged from its weight and from its greasy and shining appearance, that the lump contained some valuable metal, for which I communicated with the Indian, to ascertain what it contained. We acted with it, according to the best of our judgment, and gave the same to be proved by a skillful doctor of medicine, named Johannes La Montagne, of the Council of New Netherlands. The Lump mineral was put into a crucible, which was placed in a fire, and after the same, (according to my opinion,) had been in the fire long enough, it was taken out, when it delivered two pieces of gold, worth about three gilders. This proof was kept secret." VAN DER DONCK 1656, p161


[n111] The book Histoire du grand et admirable Royaume d’Antangil incogneu jusques a present à tous historiens et cosmographes is said to be the first French authored account of a utopian world. Written in French, this work relates through the eyes of a European the discovery of a utopian world, where war once common was now extinct, where reigns a constitutional monarch whose power is checked by a representative assembly, and where great consideration to social justice is evidenced by their institutions, tax system and religious practices.

Published in 1616 by Jean Le Maire of Leiden the book is ascribed to an author with the initials "I D M G T." David Fausett in his, Writing the new world: imaginary voyages and utopias of the great southern land, wrote of the various identities given for the author, as well the source of each: FAUSETT, 193

            Jean de la Montagne, a Touraine gentleman (Lachèvre 1968, page 261 footnote–NOTE that Frédéric Lachèvre had made a previous reprint of this book in 1933 and I believe it was Lachèvre who originally suspected de a Jean de Montagne as the author)
            Jochim du Moulin, a Saumar Protestant (Van Wijngaarden 1932, 22)
            Jean de Moncy, a Saumur schoolteacher (Cioranescu 1963)
            Jean du Matz, a nobleman and soldier (Africa 1979, 277)

The fact that the publisher, Jean Le Maire, was known to publish works almost exclusively of persons associated with Leiden University, was a member of the Waalse Church at Leiden, was later named in individual baptism records along with members of the de Forest family, and was therefore likely well acquainted with Jean Mousnier La Montagne, might lend one to suspect that perhaps it was La Montagne who was the author of this book. But this book was published in 1616, when La Montagne would have been, according to conflicting sources, between the age of eighteen and twenty-four. His youth at the time of publication perhaps lends doubt to La Montagne's authoring a book wherein such weighted subjects were forged. This would have also been three years prior to his to his first known registration at Leiden University (It's likely that La Montagne did attend some higher learning institution prior to his 1619 enrollment at this university as it was common at that time for boys to enter a college at fifteen or sixteen years of age.)

There are some, perhaps coincidental, circumstances that might support the idea that Jean Mousnier de La Montagne was indeed the author of this book. For instance, this book begins with a wood cut map of that fictional utopia, "Le Grand Royavme Dantangil," which contains images of rivers, mountains, trees and native habitations... The de Forest Journal, almost definitely authored by Jean Mousnier de La Montagne, contains on its first page a watercolor map of the river Wyapoko, which includes images of rivers, trees and native habitations. Furthermore, it is evident from the writing contained in the book that the author had Protestant leanings, had admired the United Provinces of the Netherlands having dedicated the book to the "Most High, Most Mighty and Illustrious Lords of the United Provinces of Holland," had certain geographical knowledge, and showed a particular interest in military matters. All of which seems to it the talents, and perhaps the character of Jean Mousnier de La Montagne.

From other sources it seems that this same book was published prior to its publication by Le Maire, being first published in 1615 or 1616 at Saumur by Thomas Portau, who was originally from the province of Saintonge. Saumur is not too far from that Province Saintonge, the place of La Montagne’s nativity, and was the home of the Academy of Saumur which was a Huguenot University that existed from 1593 to 1683—perhaps La Montagne studied here prior to his enrollment at Leiden University. One credible source gives that Le Maire never published this book but that an imprint with his name on it was places over the name of true publisher Thomas Portau. This being done likely to protect Portau from retaliation of the French authorities, who would have viewed this work as anti–government.

It might be possible to compare the uncommon spelling of words, and the usage of certain terms and phrases found in this book with those found in the “de Forest Journal.” Here we would be looking for exact matches and similarities found in both, which may help to prove La Montagne’s authorship—such was done with the works of Shakespeare. Additionally, there are still many sources that analyze this book in great detail and speculate on who its author might have been, which we still have not as yet consulted. We also need to find out why some suspect the author as being a man named "Jean de Montagne."


[n112] The assertion that that the phrase "Homme a marier," indicated a single man of marrying age is somewhat supported by the fact that the many of the signers listed that they had a wife, as well as the number of children they had, but those with the above given designation had no mention of a wife or children. The other signers of the "Round Robin" petition who bore the designation "Homme a marier" were, Jaques de Lecheilles and Pierre Quesnée.


[n113] It appears from secondary sources that it was Jan, son of Doctor La Montagne, who received from a group of Native Americans by a confirmatory conveyance dated 20 August 1669, land previously granted to his father [for record of this conveyance We need to locate the primary sources, which may be the Council Minutes of New Harlem as well as the original conveyance, as well as an early 18th Century official translation of the Council Minutes, all likely to be found in the James Riker Papers at the NYPL].  TUTTLE 267  RIKER 257  STOKES v4, 272

Stokes gives two sources for this conveyance as "Harlem records (MS. translation), II: 80, in possession of N. Y. Public Library," and Riker's History of Harlem.  STOKES v4, 272

I believe the primary source for Riker and Stokes are Council Minutes of New Harlem. A transcription of the original conveyance, or the original conveyance itself, might also be in the same collection [SEE below}, as Riker provides a transcript and translation of this deed] that refer to this conveyance. The Council Minutes of New Harlem can be found in the NYPL, Archives & Manuscripts Room; James Riker Papers, Series II. Colonial Papers; Being the Council Minutes of New Harlem;            
r. 1 v. 9, 1662 - 1664            
r. 1 v. 10, 1666 - 1670            
r. 1 v. 11, 1670 - 1674            
r. 1 v. 12, 1679 - 1691

Riker, in his Revised History of Harlem, gives the transcription as follows... "Ay 20 Augusty onde steyl hebben de onderges: Willden myn Jan La Montagne verkocht de punt genaampt Rechewanis, bepaalt tussen twee killen en bergen, en achter een fonteyn die aen Montangen Vlachte scheyt; met de Valeyen van de bichte van't Hellegat tot Konaande Kongh." The a fore has been translated by Riker as, "On this date, 20th August, old style, the underwritten Indians have sold to me, Jan La Montagne, the Point named Rechwanis, bounded between two creeks, and hills, and behind, a stream which runs to Montagne's Flat; with the meadows from the bend of the Hellegate to Konaande Kongh."  TUTTLE 267  RIKER 257  STOKES v4, 272 According to Riker Konaande Kongh was the name for the vicinity of McGowan Pass. Riker 136 According to Gill, "There were three main plots: Schorrakin in what is now central Harlem, Konykast in lower East Harlem, and Muscoota in what is now lower central Harlem, which included a warm-weather village—actually just a group of temporary huts—called Konaande Kongh, or 'Place of Waterfall at the Hill,' referring to the waterway that feeds Central Park's Harlem Meer... Linking everything was a network of footpaths. The main trail from downtown, later transformed into the New England Post Road and then Broadway came up the east side of the island, veered west into what is now Central Park, and forked at Konaande Kongh, with one branch heading to the East River, where another warm-weather village was set up at what is now East 125th Street. The other path led to the northernmost tip of the island." Gill p7


[n114] Rachel died between 1642 and 1646 as she was alive on November 9, 1642, when she was a sponsor at the baptism of her nephew, the son of Isaac de Forest, but was surely dead when on October 30, 1646 Jan Labatie sent La Montagne a letter wherein he, on the subject of health, wrote "pray God that it may be so with you and your children." Here, with the absence of mention of Rachael, we can assume with near certainty that she was dead by this time. EVANS 14 NYHS, yr.1857, 228–229


[n115] Nomen nescio.


[n116] The author of “A Walloon family in America...” deduces that this letter quoted by Wassenaer was likely written by either La Montagne or Le Maire as those two members of the expedition alone, along with Jessie de Forest, remained behind at the Wyapoko. And since the letter refers to "our Captain," assumed to be de Forest, in the third person, then the author of the letter must be one of the other two. The letter also refers to a promise given by the author to the intended receiver of the letter, and since it appears that the author had a preoccupation in sharing discoveries and other items of interest with that person, it might be reasonably deduced that the Journal kept of the expedition might have been the subject of that promise. A likely acquaintance of La Montagne would have been Johannes de Laet (1581–1649), who was an author of history and geography, a founding member of the Dutch West India Company, a professor at Leiden University and a partner in the Patroonship of Rensselaerwijc, of which la Montagne was tasked with surveying upon, or soon after his arrival at New Netherland. Perhaps some correspondence exists between de Laet and Wassenaer which might yield some relevant information on a possible relationship between Wassenaer, de Laet and La Montagne. It should also be noted here that several maps of the places visited by the “Peres de familles,” which have been attributed to Jean Mousnier La Montagne, can be found in the work de Grote Atlas van de West–Indische Compagnie [The great Atlas of the West–India Company]. WASSENAER v6, 68–70 DE FOREST v1, 44,45 w25


[n117] The Journal is now held at the British Library.


[n118] The Journal of New Netherland, written in 1647, was an account from Kieft's point of view, or from the point of view from his supporters, where in justification was made for the Indian wars and other actions taken by the Director. According to Jameson, who had an image of the first page of the original document, the hand writing was not in the hand of Kieft of van Tienhoven, but was in the hand of a professional scrivener." It might prove interesting to compare this hand writing to that found in the first paragraph of the "Jessie de Forest Journal," which seems to be in the hand of La Montagne. This might demonstrate the degree of support that La Montagne was will to give to Kieft. According to Jameson the original Journal of New Netherland was located, at the time Brodhead found it, in the Royal Library of the Hague and designated "No. 78, H 32." Perhaps it was about the same time that Kieft sent this Journal to the Company Directors back in Amsterdam that he also sent the "book ornamented with water colored drawings," that probably served as propaganda for his point of view. This book, which was reported to have been sent to the Directors on the Blue Cock, has not be located, but it would have been interesting to compare the watercolors to those found in the de Forest Journal. Referring to this book "ornamented with water-colors" the "Eight Men" wrote that it "had as many lies as lines in it." According to one source [NYHS Quarterly, 1943, vol. 27-30, page 40] there's evidence that these watercolor drawings were of horticultural interest. JAMESON 267, 268 O"CALLAGHAN (1846), 316 LAMB, 120


[n119] According to Baird the term "West Indies," or more properly "West-Indische," represented to the Dutch of circa 1622 all of North and South America of which he gives contemporary sources and examples. BAIRD, fn 168-169


[n120] New Netherland was commonly placed, by Dutch and English alike, as being within that area designated as "Virginia."


[n121] On the same day that Hendrick de Forest and "Joan de La Montagne" petitioned the West India Company, Crispyn de Forest also petioned for 100 Morgens of land in New Netherland. Crispin was the son of Gerald (AKA Gerrit) de Forest and Hester LeGrange. He married Margieta Bornstra, July 1, 1636 at Amsterdam. She was the sister of Geertruyt Bornstra who married Hendrick de Forest. Both couples were married on the same day. AMSTERDAM, 178B, STOKES IV, 949,


[n122] Henri Lambert may also have been the Henry Lambremont who, along with his wife Rachel Aubertin, were sponsors at the baptism of Hendrick, son of Jesse de Forest, who was baptized in 1606 at Sedan.


[n123]


[n124] NEED Citation on this... As I recall it was either George or Thomas Baxter that was part of the government under Stuyvesant in the early 1650s with the reason being that none of the other officials were adequately verse in either writing or in speaking English to execute legal documents that involved the English residents of New Netherland.


[n125] This letter is written in the hand of La Montagne.DE FOREST v2, p180 It also contains a wax seal that looks as though it may have an impression from a signet ring. As a signet ring or a wax embossed seal might give a clue to La Montagne's ancestry. We should check all letters signed by La Montagne for this seal. SEE Document


[n126] J. W. Deforest gives an explanation and transcription of this petition and provides the source citation for the petition as the Aldermanic Journal of
Leiden, "Court Journal L: fol. 52." DE FOREST 1895, p.1178


[n127] The following are a list and descriptions of maps, charts and depictions that are part of the Jesse de Forest Journal, being described as they were in 1861 when in the British Museum. These items are now in the collections, along with the Journal, in the British National Library. BRITISH MUSEUM, p.484


A volume, in oblong folio, containing the following colored charts, etc. : each 1 f. 6 in x 10 in.

[Note, all the maps that are connected to the Journal appear to be contained in the recently published work Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, and which they attribute to "Jean Mousnier de la Montagne," suggesting that there might exist two copies of each of these maps with one set being with the Journal in the British National Library and the other set in the map collection of the West India Company at the Hague. The maps attrributed to La Montagne in that previosly named work are designated with the numbers, 102, 103, 106, 108, 111, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 152, 153, 172, 174, 344, 346]


i. Isle de S. Jaques; four views, with a small chart of the bay.

ii. Island of Fogo, two views, and the Island of Brava. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 346.]

iii. Rivière des Amazones; a chart of the mouth. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 174.]

iv. Coste de Guiane despuis le cap du Nord jusques à la rivière d'Eziquebue. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 144.]

v. Cassipoure, 3° 55' de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 172.]

vi. Wyapoko, 4" 30' au nord de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 152.]

vii. Isle et Rivière de Cayane, 5° au nord de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 152.]

viii. and ix. Various views of headlands and the coast about Cayenne.

x. Maruini, 5° 55' au nord de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 148.]

xi. Soraname, 5° au nord de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 147.]

xii. Berbice, 6° 30' au nord de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 146.]

xiii. Eziquebe, 7° au nord de la ligne. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 145.]

xiv. Isles des Caribes despuis Saint Vincent jusques à l'isle de Languillade. [matches Grote Atlas van de West-Indische Compagnie, map number 102.]

xv., xvi., xvii. Various views of headlands and coasts of the West India Islands.


[n128] Caveat: The following is far from adequate needing both clarity and more authoritative sourcing—JARM.

Variations of names representing the individual here known as "Jean Mousnier de la Montagne" are far and wide. Early examples of how Jean signed his own name, or represented himself, are few. On the 1621 Round-Robin he signed "Mousnier de la Montagne"; on a 1629 Notary he simply signs "Mousnier"--However, both of the signatures may have a preceding "J" attached to the "M" in "Mousnier". [ SEE comparison between signatures of Round–Robin signers #17. "JMousnier de la Montagne" and #18. "RMousnier de la Montagne" ]. La Montagne has been ound to be registered five times at Leiden University begining in 1619, here four times the name Mousnier was Latinized as "Monerius", and on the fifth occasion it appears to be "Mausnierius" or "Mousnierius". On only three of these entries the name "Montanus" was added. DU RIEU 144 193 253 275 So it would seem that early on, at least on official documents, "Mousnier" was La Montagne's surname of use.

In the journal of the Voyage to Guyana (1624), La Montagne identifies himself by name only once, among those of the "Peres des Familles" he lists himself, as "Jean de la Montagne". This is how La Montagne likely represented himself when the other party was of French or French Walloon origin, or to someone to whom he was familiar. In an official capacity at New Netherlands, which encompassed a period of more than twenty-five years, is from which there remains a legacy of many dozens of existing official documents attached to which La Montagne left his signature—The majority of these he simply signed "La Montagne." On a few occasions when he was referred to by third party he is called “Jan” and on a few more “ Johannes”. The title "Dr." is seldom used other than when he is rendering some service as a Doctor would be called to do. The descendants of the male lines of the good Doctor seem to have all adopted variations of the name La Montagne having dropped the phonetic represents for the name “Mousnier”, with most of the mention of the mention o this name among the second generation is used in reference to the orphan records of Leiden for the children of Rachel de Forest. In these records, extending over a period of twenty-five years the name “Mousnier” is represented as “Monij” or something similar.

The name "Mousnier", was the family surname and is the only variation of this name that La Montagne himself used. The name in reference to Jean de la Montagne” devolved in the old Dutch records to something more phonetically compatible to the Dutch ear with “Monij”, etc. Of the origin and the true variations of the surname “Mousnier” there is some conflict and more authoritative sourcing should be consulted. The previous caveat stated, there is apparent conflict on the origin of the surname. Some write that is is a variant of the name Monnier, which is derived from the Latin “moneta” meaning “coinage” or “mint”, from which the same in English comes the word “money”, and in French is derived the word “monnayer” [pronounced mo-nė-iè-r] or “monnayeur" / "monnayère" [pronounced mo-nė-ieūr] meaning coiner, minter, or mint master.  Spiers, 188  Harrison, p26 

"Moneyer (mun'i-èr), n. [Formerly also monier; <ME. monyour, <OF. monier, monnier, monoier, monnoyeur, F. monnayeur=Sp. monedero=Pg. moedeiro=It. monetario, monetiere, <LL. monetarius, a mint-master, minter: see monetary, and ef. minter, ult. a doublet of moneyer.]    1. One who coins monet; a minter; a mint-master. Witney, 3832

The Harrison’s have a second alternative origin of the surname "Mon(n)ier" being the French word “meunier”, or in English “miller”, this derived from the Latin “molinarius”, and the old French “meulnier”. Harrison, p26 This alternative origin for the Mousnier surname seems most plausible while considering also Cotgrave's A dictionarie of the French and English tongues (pub. 1632), has for the French word “Musnier”, also “Mounier”, with it’s English translation of “Miller”, or that "pertaining to a miller". This same source gives the French word “Moulin” for with English translation “A Mill”. Cotgrave

Variations of the surname "Mon(n)ier include: leMonier / leMonnier / Monier / Monnier / Mosnier / Mousnier/ leMusnier / Musnier / Meunier / Monier / Monnier / Mounier / This variant is commonly found in the area of Saintonge, whereas "Monnier" is more often found in more northen provinces. The similar surname Lemoyne, Lemoine, etc. should also be including. Within the dutch records is given more at Monyer Monye, Monje, etc.

As to the name “de la Montagne”, pronounced mōn-ta-gn Spiers, 188] is French for "of the Mountains." The name, or title, it is definitely a great clue to the ancestry of Jean La Montagne though to date there is no conclusive results, or anything more than good leads to be followed. La Montagne himself used no other spelling than this, on rare occaisions others may have used the spelling "Montagnie", "Montaigne", "Montayne", etc. In the register of Leiden University this portion of his name was Latinized as, "Montanus." DU RIEU, 144, 253 For more on the name "de la Montagne" and on leads on Jean’s ancestors SEE–Footnote, n107.


[n129]


[n130] Jean Mousnier de La Montagne — AKA, Jan, Jean, Jehan, Jehen, Joanes, Joannes, Johan, Johannes, John. "Jean le Monier de la Montagne"; in Latin "Johannes Monerius Montanus" and "Joannes Monerius";30; in dutch "Jan Monje (de) la Montagne".


[n131] Rachel de Forest   c1609-164_(?) — AKA, Ragel; de Foreest, Defour.


[n132] To see the date associated with the Marriage Banns of "Jean Moenijer" and "Ragel de Foree" in the Dutch Reformed Church see the previous page which is FHL 118938, v.82, p.89.


[n133] The Register of the Dutch Reformed Church which recorded the intention of La Montagne and Rachel's to be married might have been a compiled register of those who were intending to be married in the Reformed religion, and the date associated with this entry might just have been the date that the civil registration was made. Or, this date might pertain to the process in the performance of the Marriage Banns.


[n134] This seems to support the still extant copies of the Manhatvs Map that place the La Montagne Stockade and that of van Curlaer, which was later leased to Swits, on opposite sides of Montagne's Creek. From comparison of the Manhatvs Map copies and later maps, including that of Manhattan by John Randel from 1811, modern Google Maps, and the Welikia Map that attempts to show the Island of Manhattan as it was in 1609, a likely location for the La Montagne stockade would have been at 103rd Street between Second and Third Avenues and with equal probability the compost of van Curlaer was located perhaps 1,100 feet to the Northeast at about 107th Street between First and Second Avenues.


[n135] On the Native American seasonal camp ground called Konaade Kongh there is some dispute to both the meaning of the name and the exact location of the site.

Reginald Pelham Bolton, in his book Indian Paths in the Great Metropolis states that Konaade Kongh was the headquarters of the cheiftaincy of the Reckgawawanc and sites M. R. Harrinton belief that "the native word axkwonan, 'to catch with a net,' is the basis, and with the addition of kongh, the equivalent of the Delaware xunk, we derive the meaning of the village name as 'the hill near which they fish with nets,' a reference to the nearby waters of the Hellgate bay." in it's name description stating that is was "probably situated on the high ground between Madison and Lexington avenues at 98th to 100th street.

This last word is derived from ko, a fall or cascade, and ononda, a hill; kong signifying an elevated place or locality. The two creeks were the Kill of Rechawanis (Benson's Mill Creek), which bounds the point on the north, and another stream to the south, draining the meadows and emptying into the Bay of Hellgate, which stream is not depicted on the Manatus Maps, but is very clearly shown on Randel's Map, of 1819 (PI. 86). The stream, or fonteyn, as the Dutch called it, "behind" the point, was the boundary stream which the Manatus Maps show between the Flats and the Point.
         Here, at Konaande Kongh, Hendrick de Forest built his house; but before it was quite finished, he died, July 26, 1637 (Van Rensselaer Bowier MSS., 382), and De la Montagne completed the structure.—Riker's Hist, of Harlem, 136, 143. Its true location is established for the first time from its indication on the Manatus Maps. In 1636, De Forest had obtained from Van Twiller the grant of one hundred morgen of land on the flats called by the Indians Muscoota, and later known as, Montague's Flats.—Ibid., 140. Muscoota was the low ground west of the creek, not numbered on the Manatus Maps, but lying north of No. 18 and west of No. 19. In 1639, De Forest's widow married Andries Hudde (Record in City Archives at Amsterdam, quoted by Mrs. Robert W. de Forest, in A Walloon Family in America, II: 357), who, on July 20, 1638, had received from Kieft the earliest recorded ground-brief on Manhattan Island.—Liber GG: 21 (Albany). Not until June 24, 1638, had the director-general and council, upon a petition from the freemen, resolved to give titles to the farms.—Laws & Ord. N. Neth., 16; see also Chronology. The plantation having been sold to satisfy some claims against the De Forest estate, Jean de la Montagne bought it, October 7, 1638, at a public vendue held in the Fort, paying 1,700 guilders.—Riker's Hist, of Harlem, 146; cf. Liber GG: 216 (Albany). He then procured a patent from Kieft, May 9, 1647 (ibid., 216), which covered not only de Forest's original farm of one hundred morgen on the Flats but also the point called "Rechawanis," which it carefully describes, reciting that it had all been "occupied by Hendrick Foreest, deceased."


[n136] This deed had been written in October of 1671, but not signed by the magistrates until the 8th of February, 1672.  RIKER 279


[n137] This possible revelation may prove very important—Could Rivet have been petitioning the English King on behalf of Jean La Montagne of whom he was at least familiar, if not on friendly terms, as both had connections to Saintogne, France and with Leiden University. Rivet also ministered and taught at the Academy of Saumur, where La Montagne may have attended prior to his arrival in the Netherlands However, it is also possible, if not more likely, that Rivet was referring to his friend John Robinson, Pilgrim Father who stayed behind in Leiden, and whom Rivet and less so Polyander, formed a strong spiritual bond. Neither possibility seems to has been raised by other Pilgrim researcher.] .  RIKER 279


[n138]




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Maps currrently attributed to Johannes Vingboon, including the above map of the "Noord Rivier", highly resemble the maps of La Montagne produced bet. 1623–1625 during an expedition to the "Wilde Coste".


Map of the mouth of the Wyapoko River as depicted by Jean Mousnier la Montagne, c1623.


Maps currrently attributed to Johannes Vingboon, including the above map of the "Noord Rivier", highly resemble the maps of La Montagne produced bet. 1623–1625 during an expedition to the "Wilde Coste".